yakov_a_jerkov (![[personal profile]](https://www.dreamwidth.org/img/silk/identity/user.png)
yakov_a_jerkov) wrote2018-06-23 06:09 pm
yakov_a_jerkov) wrote2018-06-23 06:09 pm
Гитлер-Гитлер!
Несколько дней назад многим понравился и многим не понравился этот комментарий ![[livejournal.com profile]](https://www.dreamwidth.org/img/external/lj-userinfo.gif)
rsokolov: avva процитировал этот комментарий у себя, и тоже получил массу откликов читателей.
Это все прочитал некто Benjamin Carter Hett, professor of history, и написал целую книжку. Шутка. Но книжка, действительно, опубликована, называется "The Death of Democracy: Hitler's Rise to Power and the Downfall of the Weimar Republic".
Я эту книжку не читал. Я прочитал только небольшую рецензию на нее -- "How Did the Nazis Gain Power in Germany?" Я процитирую несколько отрывков из рецензии.
rsokolov: Представляю, как многие немцы говорили в 1933-м году: "Ну ведь Гитлер же - не Гитлер! Как можно сравнивать Гитлера и Гитлера?"
avva процитировал этот комментарий у себя, и тоже получил массу откликов читателей.Это все прочитал некто Benjamin Carter Hett, professor of history, и написал целую книжку. Шутка. Но книжка, действительно, опубликована, называется "The Death of Democracy: Hitler's Rise to Power and the Downfall of the Weimar Republic".
Я эту книжку не читал. Я прочитал только небольшую рецензию на нее -- "How Did the Nazis Gain Power in Germany?" Я процитирую несколько отрывков из рецензии.
We ask about the rise of the Nazis from what we think is a great distance. We take for granted that the Germans of the 1930s were quite different from ourselves, and that our consideration of their errors will only confirm our superiority. The opposite is the case.О глобализации и стене. "The system" аналогична нынешнему "the deep state"?
The Nazis, in Hett’s account, were above all “a nationalist protest movement against globalization.” Even before the Great Depression brought huge unemployment to Germany, the caprice of the global economy offered an opportunity to politicians who had simple answers. In their 1920 program, the Nazis proclaimed that “members of foreign nations (noncitizens) are to be expelled from Germany.” Next would come autarky: Germans would conquer the territory they needed to be self-sufficient, and then create their own economy in isolation from that of the rest of the world. As Goebbels put it, “We want to build a wall, a protective wall.” Hitler maintained that the vicissitudes of globalization were not the result of economic forces but of a Jewish international conspiracy.О victimhood fiction и прессе:
As Hett capably shows, the Nazis were the great artists of victimhood fiction. Hitler, who had served with German Jews in the war, spread the idea that Jews had been the enemy within, proposing that the German Army would have won had some of them been gassed to death. Goebbels had Nazi storm troopers attack leftists precisely so that he could claim that the Nazis were victims of Communist violence. Hitler believed in telling lies so big that their very scale left some residue of credibility. The Nazi program foresaw that newspapers would serve the “general good” rather than reporting, and promised “legal warfare” against opponents who spread information they did not like. They opposed what they called “the system” by rejecting its basis in the factual world. Germans were not rational individuals with interests, the reasoning went, but members of a tribe that wanted to follow a leader (Führer).Об электорате нацистов:
In Hett’s account, the electoral rise of the Nazis in the late 1920s and early 1930s had less to do with his particular ideas and more to do with an opening on the political spectrum. The Nazis filled a void between the Catholic electorate of the Center Party and a working class that voted Socialist or Communist. Their core constituents, Hett indicates, were Protestants from the countryside or small towns who felt themselves to be the victims of globalization.О роли бизнеса и армии:
The Nazis were by no means the handmaidens of German industry or the German military but, as Hett argues, both businessmen and officers formed lobbies in the late 1920s that aimed to break the republic and its bastion, the Social Democrats. They tended to confuse their particular interests in lower wages and higher military spending with those of the German nation as a whole. This made it easy to see the Social Democrats as foreign and hostile.О роли "правых":
When elections were called in 1932, the purpose was not to confirm democracy but to bring down the republic. Hindenburg and his advisers saw the Nazis as a group capable of creating a majority for the right. The elections were a “solution” to a fake crisis that had been, as Hett puts it, “manufactured by a political right wing that wanted to exclude more than half the population from political representation and refused even the mildest compromise.” It did not occur to the president’s camp that the Nazis would do as well as they did, or that their leader would escape their control. And so the feckless schemes of the conservatives realized the violent dreams of the Nazis. The Nazis won 37 percent of the vote in July, 33 percent in a November election, and Hitler became chancellor in January 1933. A few weeks later, he used the pretext of the arson of the Reichstag to pass an enabling act that in effect replaced the constitution.Makes you think, как говорится.
Hindenburg died in 1934 believing that he had saved Germany and his own reputation. In fact, he had created the conditions for the great horror of modern times. Hett’s book is implicitly addressed to conservatives. Rather than asking how the left could have acted to stop Hitler, he closes his book by considering the German conservatives who aided Hitler’s rise, then changed their minds and plotted against him. Following the recent work of Rainer Orth, Hett says that the Night of the Long Knives, the blood purge of June 1934, was directed mainly against these right-wing opponents.
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В сентябре 2016 вышла биография Гитлера немецкого историка Волкера Уллриха. Тогда же появилась богатая на аллюзии рецензия этой книги от литературного критика Мичико Какутани:
Mr. Ullrich, like other biographers, provides vivid insight into some factors that helped turn a “Munich rabble-rouser” — regarded by many as a self-obsessed “clown” with a strangely “scattershot, impulsive style” — into “the lord and master of the German Reich.”
• Hitler was known, among colleagues, for a “bottomless mendacity” that would later be magnified by a slick propaganda machine that used the latest technology (radio, gramophone records, film) to spread his message. A former finance minister wrote that Hitler “was so thoroughly untruthful that he could no longer recognize the difference between lies and truth” and editors of one edition of “Mein Kampf” described it as a “swamp of lies, distortions, innuendoes, half-truths and real facts.”
• Hitler was an effective orator and actor, Mr. Ullrich reminds readers, adept at assuming various masks and feeding off the energy of his audiences. Although he concealed his anti-Semitism beneath a “mask of moderation” when trying to win the support of the socially liberal middle classes, he specialized in big, theatrical rallies staged with spectacular elements borrowed from the circus. Here, “Hitler adapted the content of his speeches to suit the tastes of his lower-middle-class, nationalist-conservative, ethnic-chauvinist and anti-Semitic listeners,” Mr. Ullrich writes.
• Hitler’s repertoire of topics, Mr. Ullrich notes, was limited, and reading his speeches in retrospect, “it seems amazing that he attracted larger and larger audiences” with “repeated mantralike phrases” consisting largely of “accusations, vows of revenge and promises for the future.” But Hitler virtually wrote the modern playbook on demagoguery, arguing in “Mein Kampf” that propaganda must appeal to the emotions — not the reasoning powers — of the crowd. Its “purely intellectual level,” Hitler said, “will have to be that of the lowest mental common denominator among the public it is desired to reach.” Because the understanding of the masses “is feeble,” he went on, effective propaganda needed to be boiled down to a few slogans that should be “persistently repeated until the very last individual has come to grasp the idea that has been put forward.”
• Hitler’s ascension was aided and abetted by the naïveté of domestic adversaries who failed to appreciate his ruthlessness and tenacity, and by foreign statesmen who believed they could control his aggression. Early on, revulsion at Hitler’s style and appearance, Mr. Ullrich writes, led some critics to underestimate the man and his popularity, while others dismissed him as a celebrity, a repellent but fascinating “evening’s entertainment.” Politicians, for their part, suffered from the delusion that the dominance of traditional conservatives in the cabinet would neutralize the threat of Nazi abuse of power and “fence Hitler in.” “As far as Hitler’s long-term wishes were concerned,” Mr. Ullrich observes, “his conservative coalition partners believed either that he was not serious or that they could exert a moderating influence on him. In any case, they were severely mistaken.”
• Hitler, it became obvious, could not be tamed — he needed only five months to consolidate absolute power after becoming chancellor. “Non-National Socialist German states” were brought into line, Mr. Ullrich writes, “with pressure from the party grass roots combining effectively with pseudo-legal measures ordered by the Reich government.” Many Germans jumped on the Nazi bandwagon not out of political conviction but in hopes of improving their career opportunities, he argues, while fear kept others from speaking out against the persecution of the Jews. The independent press was banned or suppressed and books deemed “un-German” were burned. By March 1933, Hitler had made it clear, Mr. Ullrich says, “that his government was going to do away with all norms of separation of powers and the rule of law.”
https://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/28/books/hitler-ascent-volker-ullrich.html
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и..
Создать союз тех кто хочет и будет следовать правилам и законам сохранения жизни, чтобы защищать территории, ресурсы, друг друга и жизнь в этом мире от тех, кто не хочет и не будет контролировать численность населения, использование ресурсов и сохранение жизни в этом мире. В не зависимости о мнений и желаний кого-либо, все кто хочет всегда иметь всё необходимое для комфортной жизни и развития и все кто хочет чтобы их дети и дети их детей имели хотябы не меньше чем вы, создавайте необходимый союз и делайте то что нужно. Вы, ваши дети и все кто будет жить благодаря вам, имеете право быть защищены от действий и бездействий тех, кто неосознанно размножается, не бережёт и/или уничтожает жизнь на этой "планете"/Земле, и не контролирует использование ресурсов.
Кто-то опубликовал очень много интересных и полезных текстов и идей
Просто почитайте немного, возможно это шанс что-то изменить. Давайте поможем человеку может что-нибудь получится
источник текстов проект/книга (Мир с точки зрения интеллекта)
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Große Lüge, конец операции
"Жулик, который разводит лохов"